IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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Sdeices 
Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14S80 

(716)873-4503 


CIHM/ICMH 

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D 


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Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


I      I    Covers  damaged/ 


Couverture  endommagde 


Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
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Th 
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Or 
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Th 
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30X 

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tails 

du 
Qdifier 

tne 
nage 


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Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couvarture  en 
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premiere  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  at  en  terminant  par 
la  derniAre  pege  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
darnidre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbols  — »>  signifie  "A  SUIVRE  ",  le 
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film6s  A  des  taux  de  reduction  diffirents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clich*,  il  est  film*  A  partir 
de  Tangle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite. 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'imagas  nAcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mAthode. 


rrata 
to 


pelure. 


□ 


32X 


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SPRKCll 


OF  THt 


HON,  T.  BUTLER  KING,  OF  GEORGIA, 


OK 


THE  OREGON  QUESTION: 


nEi.ivF.iiF.n 


I\  THE  lIflUSEN)F  REPRESENTATIVES  OF  THE  UMTED  STATES, 


February  9,  1  W-IO 


WASHINGTON: 

PrintPd  ai  the  office  (if  the  Naiional  Iniellieenrer. 


1846. 


i»tmtimmi*mm*m 


SPEECH. 


Mr.  KINH  rose  and  addressed  the  committee  during  tlie 
hour  as  follows : 

Mr.  Chairman  :  In  view  of  the  correspondence  which  has 
recently  passed  hetween  the  Secretary  of  Slate  and  the  British 
Minister,  I  shall  not  offer  the  amendment,  (inihodyint;:  a  prop- 
osition for  arbitration,)  as  I  intended,  to  the  resohitions  now 
nnder  consideratio?).     The  prop()sition  to  settle  hy  arhitration 
the  rights  of  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  to  the  terri- 
tory  of  Oregon,  and  establish  an  equitable  line  of  partition, 
having  been  made  in  all  its  forms  by  her  Britannic  Majesty's 
Minister,  and   been  peremptorily,  atid,  as  I  thiidc,  cavalierly, 
rejected  by  the  President,  tliat  mode  of  adjusting  this  great 
controverted  question  seems  to  be  at  an  end.     Arbitration  is 
one  of  the  most  ancient  modes  known  to  civilized  nations  of 
settling  difficult  and  embarrassing  disputes.     It  is  sanctioned, 
in  all  its  forms,  by  the  law  of  nations,  as  founued  on  the  laws 
(if  Nature.     It  has  been  resorted  to  in  all  limes  by  those  who 
w  shed  to  mete  out  that  justice  to  others  which  they  desired 
should  bo  meted  out  to  themselves.     The  President  of  the 
United  States  has  declared,  or  permitted  his  Secretary  of  State 
to  declare,  that  the  territorial  rights  of  the  United  States  can- 
not be  submitted  to  arbitration.     Who  has  ever  desired  the 
President  to  submit  to  arbitration  the  acknowledged,  clearly 
undisputed,  territorial  rights  of  the  United  States?     It  is,  sir, 
precisely  because  our  rights  in  that  territory  are  not  clearly 
defined  with  respect  to  limits,  and  that  the  title  to  a  very 
considerable  portion  of  it  has  been  claimed  by  Great  Britain 
for  more  than  half  a  century,  as  against  Spain,  from  whom 
we  profess  to  derive  our  own  title  in  no  very  inconsiderable 
degree,  and  that  this  Government  has  acknowledged,  for  the 
space  of  seven-and-twenty  years,  that  Great  Britain  has  rights 
in  Oregon,  that  I  supposed  that  this  was  a  question,  of  all 
others  which  has  ever  presented  itself  for  adjustment  between 
this  Government  and  that,  which,  in  its  complicated  character 
and  momentous  consequences,  could   be  most  properly  and 
equitably  adjusted  by  arbitration,  and  which,  from  its  very 
nature,  pointed  to  that  as  the  most  honorable  and  suitable 
mode  of  settlement.     The  President,  however,  seems  to  think 
differently.     By  assuming  the  broad  ground  that  our  title  to 
the  entire  territory  is  "clear  and  unquestionable,"  and  that  our 

1  '  ■'  iJ ,  .a ; » '  ! 


riglit5M!u?re  aiP  not  <'tobfi  a  proper  siil)jec(  for  arbiiraiioii," 
he  seems  o  say,  in  language  not  lo  be  misnnderslood,  to  the 
(iovernmeut  ot'  (Jieal  Britain,  that,  as  far  as  he  is  concerned, 
or  can  control  (he  action  of  this  (jovernment,  the  question  of 
territorial  rights  is  sel'ied,  and  tliat  any  concessions  which 
tnay  heref»fter  be  made  on  our  part,  if  any  ever  shall  be,  may 
be  regarded  as  an  evidence  of  our  liberality,  and  not  as  spring- 
ing from  a  conviction  of  the  justness  of  her  rights,  or  the  valid- 
ity of  her  title  to  any  portion  of  the  territory  in  dispute. 

I  am  not,  sir,  disposed  to  present  an  argument  witli  respect 
to  our  title  to  Oregon.  I  shall  not  even  say  to  what  extent 
our  title  is  better  than  that  of  Great  Britain,  or  how  far  it  can 
be  sustained  by  all  the  evidences  whiih  have  been  or  can  be 
adduced.  In  my  judgment,  this  question  ought  not  to  have 
been  brought  into  this  House.  This  is  not  the  place  to  discuss 
questions  of  this  nature.  They  properly  belong  to  the  Execu- 
tive and  the  Senate.  They  are,  under  tlie  Constitution,  the 
treaty-making  power.  It  is  very  difficult,  if  not  impossible, 
for  any  man  to  present  an  argument  here  which  shall  in  the 
slightest  degree  admit  the  force  of  British  rights  in  Oregon, 
without  bringing  upon  himself  the  imputation  of  having  more 
or  less  compromised  those  of  his  own  country.  These  delicate 
and  complicated  questions  should  be  left  in  the  hands  of  diplo- 
matists, and  settled  by  negotiation ;  or,  if  that  finally  fail,  the 
next  and  the  only  peaceable  resort,  as  it  seems  to  me,  is  to 
submit  them  lo  a  tribunal,  constituted  with  a  proper  and  just 
regard  to  the  spirit  of  our  institutions,  for  arbitration.  If  our 
title  to  that  territory  is,  as  has  been  asserted,  '•  clear  and  un- 
quest'-^nable,"  all  argument  and  negotiation  are  at  an  end,  and 
this  Louse,  therefore,  has  been  wasting  time  in  misdirected 
and  useless  discussion.  Our  deliberations  should  have  been 
directed  to  a  vigorous  preparation  for  the  maintenance  of  rights 
which  have  been  thus  boldly  and  unqualifiedly  asserted.  But, 
sir,  while  this  declaration  has  been  uitered  and  repeated  by 
the  Executive  and  his  friends  upon  this  floor,  they  have  staring 
them  in  the  face  the  fact  that  he  himself  has  offered  to  settle 
this  controverted  question  by  yielding  up  to  Great  Britain 
almost  one-half  of  the  entire  territory  -thus  denying  and  admit- 
ting, almost  in  the  same  breath,  that  she  has  rights  west  of  the 
Rocky  Mountains,  below  the  latitude  of  54°  40'.  If  Great 
Britain  has  no  rights  in  Oregon,  why  has  he  offered  to  concede 
to  her  almost  one-half  of  it  ?  If  she  has  rights  there,  the  deli- 
cate and  difficult  question  to  be  determined  is,  where  do  our 
rights  cease,  and  where  do  hers  begin  ?  That  cannot  be  de- 
cided by  arffument  in  this  House,  by  debatina:  the  question  now 


bilration," 
ood,  lo  llie 
concerned, 
question  of 
ons  which 
ill  be,  may 
as  spring- 
•  llie  valid- 
ute. 

ith  respect 
hat  extent 
<■  far  it  can 
or  can  be 
ot  to  have 
J  to  discuss 
he  Execu- 
fution,  the 
impossible, 
hall  in  the 
in  Oregon, 
Lving  more 
!se  delicate 
Is  of  diplo- 
lly  fail,  the 
>  me,  is  to 
r  and  just 
n.     If  our 
r  and  un- 
n  end, and 
lisdirected 
lave  been 
e  of  rights 
ted.    But, 
peated  by 
ve  staring 
to  settle 
It  Britain 
ndadmit- 
rest  of  the 
If  Great 
o  concede 
the  deli- 
re  do  our 
lot  be  de- 
sfjon  now 


before  uj>.  it  we  puss  the  notice  m  any  lorin,  the  question  of 
boundary  must  finally  be  adjusted  by  negotiation,  arbitration, 
or  the  sword.  I  am  therefore,  sir,  opposed  to  arguing  the 
question  of  title  here,  surrounded  as  it  is  by  ditliculties,  wliicli 
must,  whatever  may  be  said  in  this  House,  be  finally  arranged 
in  one  of  the  modes  I  have  stated. 

The  President  of  the  United  States,  in  asserting  "  that  he 
does  not  believe  the  territorial  rights  of  this  nation  to  be  a 
proper  subject  for  arbitration,"  has  assumed  that  to  be  a  fact 
which  no  one  will  dispute,  with  respect  to  what  are  known 
and  acknowledged  to  be  our  territorial  limits;  but  it  was  for 
the  purpose  of  ascertaining  what  those  limits  are  in  the  terri- 
tory of  Oregon  that  I  proposed  to  submit  them  to  arbitration. 

The  President,  in  his  message  of  December  last,  informed  us 
that  "all  attempts  at  compromise  had  failed,"  and  called  upon 
Congress  "  to  consider  what  measures  it  might  be  proper  to 
adopt  for  the  mauitenance  of  our  just  title  to  the  Oregon  ter- 
ritory." Now,  sir,  it  would  seem  to  me  to  be  wise,  in  the  first 
place,  to  ascertain  what  our  "just  rights"  are,  before  we  pro- 
ceed to  maiuiaiu  them  in  the  way  indicated  in  the  message. 
Arbitration  seemed  to  me  the  only  mode  which  could  be  re- 
sorted to  short  of  war.  This,  as  we  have  seen,  the  President 
has  rejected,  on  the  ground  that  our  "territorial  rights"  are 
'•  not  a  pro{)er  subject"  for  that  mode  of  adjustment.  In  taking 
this  ground,  the  Executive  has  not  only  departed  from  the  long- 
tried  and  well-established  custom  of  civilized  nations,  but  he 
h*as  taken  a  ground  which  has  never  been  before  assumed  by 
the  United  States.  This  Government  has,  on  three  several 
occasions,  submitted  questions  of  territorial  rights  and  limits  to 
the  decision  of  commissioners  or  arbitrators.  By  the  fifth  ar- 
ticle of  the  treaty  concluded  in  1794,  commonly  called  Jay's 
treaty,  the  question  whether  the  river  St.  Croix  should  form 
the  eastern  boundary  of  Maine  was  submitted  to  commission- 
ers, to  be  appointed  in  the  following  manner,  viz  : 

"  One  comniiMsioiicr  shall  bo  named  by  liis  Majei^ty,  our  by  the  President  of  the. 
I  'niteil  States,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate  thereof,  and  the 
.*aid  two  comniiiiKioners  shall  agree  on  the  choice  of  a  third,  or,  if  they  cannot  so 
sgree,  they  shall  each  propose  f)ne  person,  and,  of  the  two  names  so  proposed,  one 
•ihall  be  drawn  by  lot,  in  the  presence  of  the  original  commissioners.  And  the 
three  commissioners  so  appointed  «hall  lie  sworn  impartially  to  examine  and  decide 
the  said  question  according  to  such  evidence  as  shall  respectively  be  laid  before 
them  OH  the  part  of  the  British  Government  and  of  the  United  States.  And  the 
said  commissioners  shall  meet  at  Halifax,  and  shall  have  power  to  adjourn  to  such 
other  places  hs  they  shall  think  fit.  They  shall  have  power  to  appoint  a  secretary, 
dnd  to  employ  surveyors,  or  such  other  persons  as  they  shail  jud^e  necessary. 
I'he  said  commissioners  .shall,  by  a  declaration  under  their  hands  and  seals,  decide 
what  liver  is  (he  river  tSt.  Croix  intended  by  the  treaty,  [the  treaty  of  17R;J.]  The 
iiuid  declaration  shall  contain  a  description  ol   the  baid  river,  and  shall  particuiarizs 


a 


6 


the  liUituile  and  longiluile  of  its  mouth  anil  of  ila  source.  Duphcutcs  of  this  decla- 
ration, and  of  the  statements  of  tluir  urcounls,  and  of  the  journal  of  tlicir  potccd- 
luRH,  shall  ho  delivered  hy  tiieni  to  the  agent  of  Uin  Britannic  MujeHly,  and  to  Ihc 
a','ent  of  Iho  United  States,  who  may  be  ronpej  lively  ajipointcd  and  authorized  to 
inanaRC  the  buHiiiess  on  behalf  uf  their  respeelivc  (iovermnrnts.  And  both  parties 
Hurie  to  consider  sueii  decision  as  final  and  concluaive,  so  as  that  the  same  shall 
never  thereafter  be  called  into  (JUC^tion,  or  made  the  mbjcct  of  dispute  or  ditlercncc 
between  them." 

Now,  sir,  till  se  coniniLssioncis  or  arltiiiators  were  to  decide 
a  iiue-sUon  wliicli  involved  tlin  right  to  a  laigu  and  valuable 
portion  ol"tlie  territory  oTllie  State  ol'  AJaine  ;  and  under  iheir 
deciaion,  wincli  was  not  called  in  qnesiion  by  Great  Britain, 
Maine  now  holds  that  territury.  So  hkewise,  under  the  fourtli 
article  of  the  treaty  of  peace  concluded  at  Cihent  in  1S14,  our 
right  to  certain  islands  in  the  Bay  ol  Passamaquoddy  was  sub- 
mitted to  arbitration.     That  article  is  as  follows : 

••  Whereas  it  was  stipulated  by  the  second  nnicie  of  the  treaty  of  peace  of  178.1, 
between  his  Dritaniiii;  Majesty  and  the  United  Slates  of  America,  that  the  boundary 
of  the  United  States  should  comprehend  all  islands  within  twenty  leagues  of  any 
part  of  the  shores  of  the  I'liitcd  Slates,  and  lying  between  lines  to  be  drawn  due 
cast  from  the  points  wliere  the  aforesaid  boundaries  between  Nova  Scotia  on  the 
one  part  and  East  Florida  on  the  other,  shall  respectively  touch  the  Bay  of  Fundy 
and  the  Atlantic  ocean,  excepting  such  islands  as  now  are,  or  heretofore  have  been, 
within  the  limits  of  Nova  Scotia:  And  whereas  the  several  islands  in  the  Bay  of 
Pasi-ainaquoddy,  whidi  is  part  of  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  and  the  islaiiu  of  Mcnoar,  in  the 
said  Bay  of  Fundy,  arc  claimed  by  the  United  Stales  as  being  comj)rehcnded  within 
their  aforesaid  boundaries,  which  said  islands  are  claimed  as  belonging  to  his  Bri- 
tainiic  Majesty,  as  having  been  at  the  time  of  and  previous  to  the  aforesaid  treaty  of 
ITS.T  within  the  limits  of  the  Province  of  Nova  Scotia:  In  order,  therefore,  finally 
to  decide  upon  these  claims,  it  is  agreed  that  it  sliall  \k  referred  to  two  commis- 
sioners, to  be  appointed  in  the  followiu'^'  manner,  viz:  one  commissioner  shall  bi^ 
appointed  by  his  Britannic  Majesty,  and  one  by  the  Prcoident  of  the  United  Slates, 
by  and  with  the  consent  of  the  Senate  thereof,  and  the  ;iaid  two  commissioners  so 
appointed  shall  be  sworn  impartiullt/  lo  tx'iiniiie  and  decide  upnutlic  miid  claiinn 
Krcordiiig  to  f^ttc/i  evidence  ax  f^hall  he  laid  hifore  llicm  on  the  j  urf  of  hin  Brilan- 
nlc  Ma/'esli/  and  »f  the  Uniffd  tStolcs,  rcspulivthf.  'J"hc  said  commissioners  shall 
meet  at  Saint  Andrew's,  in  the  Province  of  New  Brunswick,  and  shall  have  power 
to  adjourn  to  such  other  place  or  places  as  they  shall  think  lit.  'i'he  said  commis- 
sioners shall,  by  a  declaration  or  report  under  their  hands  and  .seals,  decide  to 
which  of  the  two  contracting  [lartics  the  several  islands  aforesaid  do  respectively 
belong,  in  conformity  with  the  true  intent  of  the  said  trcHty  of  peace  of  I7H.'J.  And, 
if  the  said  cominissiioners  shall  agree  in  iheir  decision,  both  parties  .shall  consider  such 
decision  as  tinal  and  conclusive.  It  is  further  agreed  that,  in  the  event  of  the  two 
commissioners  dillering  upon  all  or  any  of  the  matters  referred  to  them,  or  in  the  event 
of  both  or  either  of  said  commissioners  refusing  or  declining,  or  wilfully  omitting  to 
act  as  such,  they  shall  make,  jointly  or  separately,  a  report  or  reports,  as  well  to 
the  tJoverinneiit  of  his  Britannic  Majesty  as  that  of  the  United  States,  stating  in 
detail  the  points  on  which  they  ditler,  and  the  grounds  upon  which  their  respective 
opinions  have  been  formed,  or  Ihc  grounds  on  which  they  or  either  of  them  have 
so  refused,  declined,  or  omitted  to  act.  And  his  Britannic  Majesty  and  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  hereby  agree  to  refer  the  report  or  reports  of  the  said 
commissiuncrs  to  some  friendly  Sovereign  or  State,  to  be  then  named  for  that  pur- 
pose, and  who  shall  be  requested  to  decide  upon  the  dilferences  which  may  be  stated 
nt  the  said  report  or  reports,  or  upon  the  report  of  one  commissioner,  together  with 


•ales  of  this  docla- 
I  of  llicir  protrcd- 
liijpHly,  iind  to  I  lie 
and  authorized  to 
And  lioth  pHrticfi 
hat  thf  same  shall 
spute  or  dillcrcntc 

/ere  to  decide 
and  valuable 
id  iiiidtT  (heir 
ileal  Hritaii), 
der  the  foiutli 
ill  1S14,  our 
)ddy  wassiib- 


of  peace  of  J  783, 

that  the  boundary 
ity  leiiyues  of  any 
•8  to  be  drawn  due 
ova  tScotia  on  the 
he  Bay  of  Fundy 
retofore  have  been, 

nds  in  the  Bay  of 

of  Menoar,  in  the 
iprehcnded  within 
DPging  to  his  Bri- 
aforesaid  treaty  of 

therefore,  finally 
d  to  two  comniis- 
inissioncr  Hhail  be 
the  United  iStuten, 

eonunisMionerti  so 
a  tilt  said  cluiins 
url  (ifhln  Britan- 
imniissioncra  shall 
I  shall  have  power 
I'ho  said  coiiuuis- 
tl  seals,  decide  to 
id  do  respectively 
•eoflVH.'J.  And, 
hall  consider  such 

event  of  the  two 
in,  or  ill  the  event 
iifully  oinittinsr  to 
t'ports,  as  well  to 
States,  stating  in 
h  their  respective 
her  of  them  hav«^ 
sty  and  the  (Jov- 
jports  of  the  said 
ined  tor  that  pur- 
ich  may  be  stated 
ler,  together  with 


thi  grounds  upon  which  the  other  <oininis8ioner  shall  have  refused,  declined,  or 
omitted  to  act,  as  the  case  may  \k.  And  if  the  coiuinissioner,  lo  refusing,  declin- 
ing, or  omitting  to  act,  shall  also  wilfully  omit  to  state  the  grounds  upon  which  he 
han  so  done,  in  such  manner  that  the  said  statement  may  tH<  referred  to  such  friendly 
Sovereign  or  State,  tofjelher  with  the  report  of  such  other  commissioner,  then  §urh 
Sovereign  or  State  shall  decide  ex  parte  ui>on  the  said  report  nionc.  And  his  Bri- 
tannic Majesty  and  the  (lovernment  of  the  United  States  eiiga^o  to  consider  the 
decision  of  such  friendly  Sovereign  or  Stale  to  be  final  and  conclusive  on  all  the 
matters  so  referred." 

The  decision  of  the  coiiimis.sioncrs  appointed  iiiider  this 
ailicle  was  regarded  by  both  Governments  as  final  and  con- 
clusive, and  under  it  the  United  States  acquired  the  islands  of 
Moose,  Frederick,  and  Dudley,  in  the  Bay  of  Passarnatjuoddy. 
Other  articles  of  this  treaty  provide  for  the  settlement  of  our 
title  with  respect  to  various  other  portions  of  territory,  and 
under  the  commissions  appointed  for  that  purpose  wo  obtained 
various  ishinds  in  the  St.  Lawrence  and  the  Northern  Lakes. 
These  facts,  I  think,  sir,  are  sutHcient  to  show  that  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  Unitj'd  States,  in  assuming  the  ground  that  our 
territorial  rights  or  limits  arc  not  the  proper  subjects  of  arbi- 
tration, has  not  only  departed  from  wiiat  has  been  the  uniform 
practice  of  this  Government  in  all  cases  of  disputed  territory 
and  boundary  lint^s,bnt  he  holds  a  doctrine  which  is  extremely 
dangerous  to  the  peace  and  honor  of  the  nation.  Holding,  as 
he  does,  in  his  own  hands  the  absolute  control  over  our  for- 
eign negotiations,  it  would  be  only  nccessc-iry  for  him,  if  he 
desired  to  throw  the  country  itito  a  war,  to  embarrass  them 
with  frivolous  pretences,  for  the  purpose  of  finally  suspending 
or  breaking  them  off,  and  then  declaring  that,  as  negotiation 
had  failed,  the  nation  must  sustain  him  in  an  appeal  to  arms 
for  the  purpose  of  acquiring  any  portion  of  territory  lo  which 
he,  for  party  i)urposes,  may  have  thought  proper  to  declare 
our  title  to  be  "clear  and  unquestionable."  It  has  been  a 
maxim  of  tliis  Government,  almost  coeval  with  its  foundation, 
that  we  .should  "ask  nothing  but  that  which  is  right, and  sub- 
mit to  nothing  that  is;  wron;; ."  This  maxim  is  sustained  not 
only  by  the  spirit  but  by  the  letter  of  the  law  of  nations. 
Valtel  says,  (chapter  IS:) 

"  The  disputes  that  ari.se  between  nations  or  their  rulers  originate  cither  from 
contested  rights  or  injuries  received.  A  nation  ought  to  preserve  the  rights  which 
belong  to  her,  and  the  care  of  her  own  .  ;ifety  and  glory  forbids  her  to  submit  to 
injuries.  But,  in  fulfilling  the  duty  whirl)  she  ovve*i  lo  herself,  she  must  not  for- 
get her  duty  to  others."  '•  She  is  therefore  bound  to  render  to  each  nation  what 
IS  her  due — to  leave  her  in  the  peaceable  enjoyment  of  her  rights,"  &c. 

The  same  author  declares  that — 

'•Arbitration  is  a  very  reasonable  mode,  and  one  that  is  perfectly  conformable 
to  the  law  of  Nature,  for  the  decision  of  cvvry  dispute  whic'.i  does  not  directly  in- 


8 


(rruMt  tlio  Kiilelv  ol  llic  imtiuii.  'I'iiuugli  llio  claim  i>l  jiibiicc  inuy  Ih:  luiitlukcii  fiv 
tho  arbitrator,  it  in  Htill  more  to  be  fpunMl  that  it  will  bo  overpowered  in  an  aiipcal 
to  tho  Hword." 

••In  doubtful citsi I,  which  do  not  i)ivolvc  oiMCiitial  pointti,  if  one  of  the  jiartich 
will  not  accede  either  to  a  conforence,  an  accommodation,  a  compromiHc,  or  an 
arbitration,  the  other  han  only  the  laHt  reitourcc  for  the  defence  of  himsrlf  and  hi^' 
riRhtH — an  appeal  to  the  uword  ;  and  he  hax  justice  on  his  Hide  in  taking  up  arms 
ttt?ainHt  so  untractable  an  adversary.  For,  in  doubtful  caHCH,  we  can  only  demand 
all  the  reaHonable  metiiodH  of  eliK-idatini;  the  i|ueHtinn,  and  of  decidinf;  or  accoui 
niouutinK  the  dispute." 

Hence  it  will  be  seen,  Mr.  Clminnan,  that  the  President,  in 
taking  the  course  he  has  thinight  proper  to  pursue,  has  arrayed 
against  him  not  only  the  former  practice  of  this  Government, 
hut  the  high  and  unquestionable  authority  of  the  law  of  na- 
tions. The  correspond*'nce  between  the  Secretary  of  State 
and  ihe  British  Minister,  which  has  been  submitted  to  us  by 
the  President,  is  certainly  of  a  most  extraordinary  character. 
Mr.  Pakenham,  in  his  letter  to  Mr.  Buchanan  of  the  27th 
December,  1S45,  in  submitting  the  first  proposition  to  arbi- 
trate the  question  in  controi'ersy,  says:  "  Her  Majesty's  Oov- 
'  enmient  think  that  a  resort  to  arbitration  is  the  most  pru- 
'  dent,  and  perhaps  the  only  feasible  .step  which couid  be  taken, 
»  and  the  best  calculated  to  allay  the  existing  effervescence  ol 

*  popular  feeling,  which  might  otherwise  greatly  embarra.s.s 
'  the  efforts  of  both  Governments  to  preserve  the  friendly  lu'- 

*  derstanding  between  the  two  nations."  Mr.  Buchanan,  in 
his  reply,  rejects  the  proposition,  upon  the  ground  thu.  "the 
'  British  Government  do  not  propose  to  refer  to  arbitration 
'  the  question  of  title  to  the  Oregon  territory  claimed  by  the 
'  two  Powers,  respectively,"  but  "  merely  the  partition  or 
'•equitable  division'  of  the  territory  between  them;"  thus 
clearly  leaving  it  to  be  inferred  that  the  President  would  bi; 
willing  to  submit  the  question  of  title  to  arbitration.  It  is 
quite  evident  that  this  was  Mr.  Pakenhain's  impression;  and 
accordingly,  on  the  16th  January,  1846,  he  addresses  to  Mr. 
Buchanan  another  communiGation,  in  which  he  proposes  to 
submit  the  title  to  the  Oregon  territory  to  arbitration,  and, 
waiving  his  first  proposition  to  submit  it  to  some  friendly  Sove- 
reign or  State,  he  suggests  that  "  there  might  be  a  mixed 
'  commission,  with  an  umpire  appointed  by  common  consent, 
»  or  there  might  be  a  board,  composed  of  the  most  distinguish- 
'  ed  civilians  and  jurists  of  the  time,  appointed  in  such  a  man- 
»  ner  as  should  bring  all  pending  questions  to  the  decision  ol 
'  the  most  enlightened,  impartial,  and  independent  minds." 

This  proposition,  sir,  which  seems  to  have  been  evidently 
invited  by  Mr.  Buchanan's  letter  of  the  Jd  January,  1846 — 
this  proposition,  wliich  ii  was  so  honorable  to  make,  and,  in 


lice  may  be  luiHtukcii  fiy 
^crpowcred  in  an  aiipcal 

™u,  if  otic  of  the  partich 
n,  u  coinpromiMe,  or  an 
fencp  of  himNolf  and  Uv 
is  Hide  ill  taking  up  arms 
BK,  wo.  can  only  dcmaiiH 
d  of  ticcidinK  or  accoiii 

t  the  President,  iii 

ursiie,  has  arrayed 

this  Government, 

of  the  law  of  na- 

Socretary  of  State 

luhmitted  to  us  by 

»rdinary  character. 

lanan  of  the  27th 

oposition  to  arhi- 

er  Majesty's  Oov- 

n  is  the  most  prii- 

ich could  be  taken, 

ig  eflerveseence  ol 

greatly  embarrass 

re  the  friendly  ui«- 

Mr.  Buchanan,  in 

ground  thu.  "the 

Bfer  to  arbitration 

ry  claimed  by  the 

the   partition   oi 

een  them ;"  thiiN 

esident  would  be 

arbitration.     It  is 

impression;  an(i 

addresses  to  Mr. 

I  he  proposes  to 

arbitration,  and, 

me  friendly  Sove- 

lighl  be  a  mixed 

common  con.seni, 

most  distinguish- 

d  in  such  a  man- 

to  the  decision  ol 

ndent  minds." 

e  been  evidently 

January,  1846 — 

to  make,  and,  ni 


9 


my  judgment,  most  unwise  and  dangerous  (o  reject,  is,  in  Mr. 
Buchanan's  reply  of  the  4th  instant,  not  oidy  rejected,  but 
treated  in  a  maimer  wholly  unbecoming  an  American  states- 
man ,  and  the  only  reason  assigned — if  reason  it  can  be  called — 
in  his  whole  letter,  is,  that  the  President  "  does  not  believe  the 
'  territorial  rights  of  this  nation  to  bo  a  proper  subject  for  ar- 
'  bitration."  To  be  sure,  sir,  he  argues  that  the  territory  in 
dispute  is  more  valuable  to  us  than  to  Great  Britain.  This 
might  be  a  very  good  reason,  if  the  question  were  whether  we 
should  purchase  it  or  not ;  but  I  can  hardly  suppose  the  Sec- 
retary could  seriously  believe  that  Great  Britain  would  re- 
gard it  as  a  very  sound  argument  why  she  should  yield  any 
portion  of  the  territory  which  she  believes  honestly  belongs 
to  her.  Such  reasons  as  these,  sir,  assigned  by  the  Secretary 
of  Slate  and  sanctioned  by  the  President,  seem  to  lead  to  but 
one  conclusion  ;  which  is,  that,  whatever  their  professions 
may  be  to  the  contrary,  their  secrc*  .'esigns  and  intentions  are 
to  throw  this  country  into  a  war,  nci  or  the  purpose  of  ac- 
<iuiring  Oregon,  (for  that  would  sooi.'  be  lost  sight  of  in  the 
smoke  and  din  of  the  conflict,)  but  for  the  purpose  of  covering 
up  their  own  |)arty  purposes  and  achieving  their  political 
ends. 

How  long  is  it,sir,shice  the  assertion  and  the  discovery  have 
been  made,  that  our  title  to  all  Oregon  is  "  clear  and  unques- 
tionable?" The  Baltimore  Convention,  which  nominated  Mr. 
Polk  for  the  Presidency,  first  sent  forth  this  declaration.  1 
fancy  there  are  but  few  persons  who  did  not  then  regard  it  as 
having  been  made  for  party  purposes,  and  not  as  a  grave  as- 
isertion,  to  be  sustained  by  all  the  hazards  and  calamities  ol 
war.  It  assumed  a  more  startling  character  when  repeated  by 
the  President  in  his  inaugural  address,  it  then  came  upon  the 
country  like  a  clap  of  thunder  from  a  clear  sky.  It  was  not 
even  at  that  time  supposed  that  it  would  be  followed  up  and 
hurried  through  all  the  forms  of  diplomatic  correspondence  with 
a  haste  and  in  a  spirit  which  seems  to  preclude  the  possibility 
of  an  amicable  or  equitable  adjustment.  This  is  the  effect,  sir, 
of  throwing  our  foreign  relations  into  parly  contests  for  political 
power.  Those  struggles  have  hitherto  been  confined  to  ques- 
tions of  domestic  policy.  Having  exhausted  almost  every 
means  of  party  strife,  they  have  now  seized  hold  of  those 
questions  in  which  other  nations  are  concerned,  and  which 
may  lead  us  to  ihe  most  disastrous  consequences.  After  having 
admitted,  for  the  space  of  seven-and-twenty  years,  and  by  the 
negotiation  and  ratification  of  two  solemn  treaties,  that  Great 
Britain  has  rights  in  Oregon,  the  President  and  his  party  come 


10 


nlightened 
His  refusing  to  do  so 


before  the  country  with  a  declaration,  which  is  not  sustained 
by  the  discovery  of  any  new  evidences  of  title  in  onr  favor, 
that  onr  title  to  the  whole  country  is  "clear  and  unquestiona- 
ble." If  the  President  is  sincere  in  this  declaration — if  he 
really  believes  our  title  to  be  so  much  better  than  that  of  Great 
Britain,  why  can  he  refuse — why  does  he  seem  to  fear — to 
submit  it  to  investigation,  and  to  the  decision  of 
and  honest  commissioners  or  arbitrators  ? 
seems  to  imply  a  want  of  confidence  in  his  own  declarations. 
That  our  title  to  tliat  territory  has  been  disputed  ever  since  we 
laid  claim  to  it,  is  well  known  to  him  and  to  all  the  world.  That 
Great  Britain  would  have  declared  war  in  1792  against  Spain, 
if  she  had  not  consented  promptly  to  restore  to  their  possessions 
and  property  the  British  settlers  on  Vancouver's,  Island,  is 
equally  well  known.  That  Great  Britain,  in  our  negotiations 
with  her  in  1817  and  1S18,  and  1826  and  1827,  maintained 
with  great  force  and  unyielding  pertinacity  her  right  to  settle 
and  occupy  thai  territory,  can  be  seen  in  the  diplomatic  cor- 
respondence upon  that  subject  of  those  periods  ;  and  the  very 
best  that  she  would  consent  to  do  was  to  allow  to  the  United 
States  an  equal  right  to  settle  and  occupy,  or  what  is  termed 
in  the  conventions  the  right  of  joint  occupation.  And  now, 
Mr.  Chairman,  with  all  proper  respect  to  the  learned  .and 
venerable  gentleman  from  Mac'^achuselts,  (Mr.  Adams,)  I 
should  like  to  ask  him  a  question.  I  desire,  sir,  to  ask  what 
his  opinion  is  of  our  title  to  the  Oregon  territory  .''  Whether 
in  his  judgment  it  is  "clear  and  unquestionable,"  as  has  been 
asserted  by  the  Executive  ? 

Mr.  Adams  (the  floor  being  yielded  for  the  purpose)  said  : 
To  say  that  the  title  is  "clear  and  unquestionable,"  is  to  say 
that  which  is  susceptible  of  two  meanings — one  relating  solely 
to  the  question  of  right  and  wrong,  and  the  other  relating  to 
the  opinions  of  others.  According  to  the  construction  we  give 
10  "clear  and  indisputable,"  in  relation  to  the  question  of  right 
and  wrong,  I  say  that  our  title  is  "clear  and  unquestionable." 
I  will  add  one  or  two  words  more.  That  our  title  in  the  Ore- 
gon territory  is  not  indisputable,  or  clear,  is  answered  plainly 
in  the  fact  that  it  is  disputed.  The  gentleman  has  told  us  that 
it  has  been  disputed  for  twenty-seven  years.  I  cannot  deny 
it.  But  if  every  thing  which  is  disputed  by  the  Government 
of  Great  Britain  is  disputable,  then  I  should  be  under  the 
necessity  of  changing  tht!  meaning  of  the  word. 

Mr.  King.  Then,  sir,  why  did  the  gentleman  not  give  that 
definition  when  he  was  Secretary  of  State  in  1817  and  1818? 
Why  did  he  not  assert,  as  he  now  does,  that  our  title  is  clear 


wmm 


trnrn 


11 


not  sustained 

in  onr  favor, 
i  unqiiestiona- 
aration — if  he 
1  that  of  Great 
m  to  fear — to 
)f  enlightened 
fusing  to  do  so 
n  declarations. 

ever  since  we 
le  world.  Tiiat 
against  Spain, 
leir  possessions 
er's,  Island,  is 
ir  negotiations 
7,  maintained 
•  right  to  settle 
[liplomatic  cor- 
;  and  the  very 

to  the  United 
vhat  is  termed 
n.  And  now, 
B  learned  .and 
r.  Adams,)  I 
ir,  to  ask  what 
ry  ?  Whether 
,"  as  has  been 

purpose) said  : 

ble,"  is  to  say 

relating  solely 

ler  relating  to 

iction  we  give 

lestion  of  right 

uestionable." 

tie  in  the  Ore- 

wered  plainly 

as  told  us  that 

I  cannot  deny 

i  Government 

be  under  the 

not  give  that 
17  and  1818? 
ir  title  is  clear 


to  the  whole  territory  of  Oregon  ?  Why  did  he  compromise  it 
by  virlnaliy  admitting  that  Great  Britain  had  rights  in  Oregon 
equal  to  our  own  ?  And  above  all,  sir,  why  did  he  not,  when 
President  of  the  United  States,  and  having  the  control  of  the 
negotiations  in  1826  and  1827,  assert,  if  he  so  believed,  that 
our  title  was  clear  and  unquestionable  ?  I  have  ever  been 
accustomed  to  regard  the  opinions  of  that  gentleman,  on  all 
questions  growing  out  of  our  foreign  relations,  as  of  the  highest 
authority.  His  long  experience  in  the  diplomatic  intercourse, 
his  extensive  knowledge  of  the  history  and  of  the  laws  of  na- 
tions, give  to  his  opinions  a  weight,  in  all  matters  of  that  na- 
ture, which  can  be  claimed  uy  few  in  this  or  any  other  coun- 
try. And  especially,  sir,  his  minute  and  accurate  information 
respecting  all  the  circumstances  that  go  to  make  up  our  title 
to  Oregon,  whatever  it  may  be,  have  led  me  to  regard  his 
opinions  upon  that  subject  as  entitled  to  the  greatest  respect 
and  consideration.  But  I  confess  that  the  present  course  of 
that  gentleman  fills  me  with  surprise  and  astonishment,  unset- 
tles my  opinions  of  his  wisdom  and  justice,  and  leads  me  to 
apprehend  that  motives  which  are  not  avowed  have  brought 
him  in  conflict  with  his  former  acts  and  opinions.  He  is  now 
in  favor  of  giving  notice  to  Great  Britain  for  the  termination  of 
the  convention  for  the  joint  occupation  of  Oregon,  and  I  under- 
stand him  to  say  that  he  will  not  vote  one  dollar  of  appropria- 
tions for  military  defences,  unless  the  resolution  for  the  notice 
shall  pass;  and  yet  he  professes  not  to  regard  it  as  a  war 
measure.  The  resolutions  now  before  the  committee  are  not, 
strictly  speaking,  a  war  measure  ;  but,  sir,  it  is  proper  to  con- 
sider them  in  connexion  with  the  bill  which  has  been  intro- 
duced from  the  Committee  on  Territories,  which  proposes  to 
organize  a  territorial  government  west  of  the  Rocky  Moun- 
tains, and  to  extend  our  laws  over  all  Oregon.  One  measure 
inevitably  leads  to  the  other.  If  we  abrogate  the  convention 
which  provides  for  the  joint  occupancy  of  the  territory,  it  will 
become  necessary  to  extend  our  exclusive  ']urisdicAion  over  our 
citizens  there>  at  the  end  of  the  twelve  months'  notice.  If  we 
should  give  "  the  notice,"  and  adopt  no  other  measure,  I  admit 
there  would  be  no  cause  to  apprehend  that  war  would  ensue. 
But,  sir,  that  would  be  a  virtual  abandonment  of  all  ou»  rights 
in  that  country,  and  might  be  regarded  as  an  acknowledgment 
that  we  have  no  claim  to  any  portion  of  it.  Hence  it  has  been 
found  necessary  to  bring  forward  the  concomitant  measure  to 
which  I  have  alluded,  extending  our  laws  over  that  territory.  It 
is  the  duty  of  every  nation  to  extend  its  exclusive  jurisdiction 
over  its  citizens  or  subjects,  wherever  they  may  be  on  its  own 


i 


n 


territory,  except  wiiere  the  title  to  it  is  admitted  to  be  iii  dis- 
pute. 

Now,  up  to  the  time  the  President  of  the  United  Stales  de- 
hvered  his  inaugural  address,  the  United  States  have  always 
admitted  that  the  right  to  exclusive  jurisdiction  over  the  Ore- 
gon territory  has  been  in  dispute  between  this  Government 
cind  that  of  Great  Britain.  This  dispute,  it  is  well  known,  led 
to  the  conventions  of  181S  and  1827,  which  provide  for  the 
joint  occupation  of  that  territory  by  American  citizens  and 
British  subjects,  each  to  be  governed  by  the  laws  of  their  own 
country,  respectively.  Under  this  convention,  therefore,  we 
stand  justified  iv  the  eyes  of  all  nations  in  refraining  from  the 
exercise  o{  exclusive  sovereignty  or  jurisdiction  over  any  por- 
tion or  all  of  that  territory,  however  "  clear  and  unquestion- 
able" our  title  may  be  to  it.  But  the  moment  the  twelve 
months'  notice  expires,  and  this  joint  jurisdiction  or  occupation 
ceases,  it  will  become  our  duty  to  ourselves,  and  to  the  national 
character  and  dignity  of  the  United  States,  to  extend  the  ex- 
clusive jurisdiction  of  our  laws  over  that  country,  as  far  at 
least  as  it  is  occupied  by  American  citizens.  Therefore,  sir, 
these  are  concomitant  measures,  the  one  absolutely  involving 
the  necessity  of  the  other.  Let  gentlemen  not  flatter  them- 
selves that  they  can  consistently  vote  for  the  notice,  as  pro- 
posed in  the  resolutions  now  before  the  committee,  and  with- 
hold their  support  from  the  bill  by  which  it  is  to  be  followed. 
That  bill  proposes  to  extend  our  exclusive  jurisdiction  not  only 
over  that  portion  of  the  territory  where  our  citizens  have  taken 
up  their  abode,  but  over  thousands  of  British  subjects  and  many 
British  forts,  and  over  all  that  portion  of  the  territory,  compris- 
ing nearly  one-half  of  it,  which  this  Government  has  on  several 
occasions,  once  very  recently,  offered  to  acknowledge  as  ex- 
clusively belonging  to  Great  Britain.  Now,  Mr.  Chairman, 
allow  me  lo  inquire  what  this  Government  and  the  people  of 
the  United  States  would  say,  if  Great  Britain  should  adopt 
similar  measures  ? — if  she  should  give  us  the  notice,  and  pro- 
pose at  the  expiration  of  twelve  months  to  extend  her  sovereign 
authority  over  all  Oregon,  to  the  exclusion  of  our  laws  and  the 
subjugation  of  our  citizens  ?  Sir,  there  is  not  a  man  in  this 
country  who  would  not  cry  aloud  for  war ;  who  would  not 
regard  such  an  act  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  as  equivalent 
to  a  declaration  of  war,  to  be  met  and  resisted  by  all  the  energy 
and  power  of  the  Republic.  If,  under  such  circumstances, 
such  would  be  the  opinions  of  the  people  of  this  country,  why 
should  we  suppose  that  the  Government  and  people  of  Great 
Britain  will  quietly  subuiit  to  our  proceedings,  if  the  incaiiurcc 


^f^^ 


itted  to  bu  111  di6- 

Uiiiled  States  de- 
lates have  always 
jtion  over  the  Ore- 
this  Government 
IS  well  known,  led 
sh  provide  for  the 
rican  citizens  and 
laws  of  their  own 
ion,  therefore,  wo 
efraining  from  the 
tion  over  any  por- 
r  and  unquestion- 
oment  the  twelve 
2tion  or  occupation 
Eind  to  the  national 
,  to  extend  the  ex- 
country,  as  far  at 
s.     Therefore,  sir, 
solutely  involving 
1  not  flatter  them- 
the  notice,  as  pro- 
nraittee,  and  with- 
is  to  be  followed, 
irisdiction  not  only 
citizens  have  taken 
subjects  and  many 
territory,  compris- 
lent  has  on  several 
knowledge  as  ex- 
IV,  Mr.  Chairman, 
md  the  people  of 
ain  should  adopt 
le  notice,  and  pro- 
tend her  sovereign 
f  our  laws  and  the 
not  a  man  in  this 
;  who  would  not 
ain  as  equivalent 
by  all  the  energy 
ch  circumstances, 
this  country,  why 
I  people  of  Great 
s,  if  the  mcatiurcc 


18 

wliicli  have  been  brought  forward  shall  be  cousuniinatud  i 
Sir,  they  will  not.  No  man  of  ordinary  sagacity,  I  venture  to 
say,  thinks  they  will.  They  cannot,  without  being  disgraced 
ill  the  opinion  of  all  Europe.  Therefore,  those  who  say  or 
think  that  the  adoption  of  these  measures  will  not  produce  war, 
have  not,  in  my  judgment,  well  considered  the  subject,  and 
have  arrived  at  a  most  perilous  conclusion.  Some  gentlemen 
seem  to  suppose,  that  if  we  give  th*?  notice,  and  show  a  bold 
front,  as  they  are  pleased  to  term  it,  that  Great  Britain  will  aban- 
dr.i  the  territory  without  a  struggle;  that  she  does  not  regard 
ii  as  of  sufficient  value  to  justify  her  in  going  to  war  for  it  ; 
that  she  only  desires  a  fair  pretext  to  relinquish  it.  And  they 
seem  to  suppose  that  we  have  nothing  more  to  do  than  to  pass 
the  notice  and  extend  our  laws  over  the  country.  It  may  be 
proper,  sir,  to  remind  those  gentlemen  of  what  Great  Britain 
said  on  this  subject  in  1826.  Mr.  Gallatin,  in  his  letter  to  Mr. 
Clay,  dated  London,  November  16,  of  that  year,  says: 

♦•Mr,  Huskisson,  amongst  the  reasons  for  taking  up  that  subject  first,  [Oregon,  1 
luentionod  that  it  hail  for  several  seasions  occupied  the  attention  of  Congress,  and 
that  it  was  not  possible  to  foresee  the  effect  which  the  measures  they  might  adopt 
would  have  on  the  question,  and  on  the  friendly  relations  of  the  two  countries.  In 
aiubsequent  part  of  the  conversation  he  said  that  the  joint  occupancy  would  cease  in 
1828  unless  renewed,  and  the  removal  by  the  United  States  of  any  settlement  made 
by  British  subjects  would  be  considered  as  an  act  of  aggression." 

If  Great  Britain  in  1826  v/ould  have  regarded,  as  her  nego- 
tiator expressly  declared  she  would,  the  removal  of  any  of  her 
subjects  from  that  territory  by  the  authorities  of  the  United 
States  as  an  act  of  aggression,  can  it  be  supposed  that  she  will 
now  be  less  firm  in  the  assertion  of  her  rights  }  That,  after 
having  strengthened  her  title  by  twenty  years  more  of  unin- 
terrupted occupation,  and  the  number  of  her  subjects  and  sei- 
tlernenls  in  that  country  having  probably  quadrupled,  and  her 
power  to  protect  and  defend  them  having  vastly  increased,  can 
it  be  supposed,  by  any  one  who  is  not  blinded  by  party  zeal, 
that  she  will  quietly  and  ingloriously  relinquish  her  rights  in  a 
territory  to  which  she  has  adhered  with  so  much  tjnacity  for 
more  than  half  a  century  ?  And  yet  those  who  are  most  zealous 
for  the  passage  of  these  measures  are  leading  the  people  to 
suppose  that  their  tendency  will  be  to  do  away  with  all  sub- 
jects of  discord,  and  leave  the  two  countries  in  the  quiet  en- 
joyment of  peace.  But  we  are  assured,  that  if,  unfortimalely, 
they  should  lead  to  war,  we  shall  have  no  ditliculty  in  cotj- 
quering  oiu"  ancient  foe.  We  are  to  rush  into  the  struggle 
without  preparation,  and  almost  without  arms  in  our  hand,;. 
We  are  told  thai  republics  never  prepare  for  war;  and  yentle- 
rnetj  seem  to  apprehend,  that  if  we  stop  to  count  the  cost,  or 


^1 


14 


eslimate  the  consequences,  the  people  may  perhaps  be  rousei 
to  a  sense  of  the  calamities  which  must  inevitably  attend  a  con 
test  that,  if  it  comes,  will  be  more  terrible  in  its  progress,  aiK 
more  disastrous  in  its  results,  than  any  which  has  been  wit 
nessed  in  modern  times.  But,  sir,  the  declaration  that  re>)ut 
lies  never  prepare  for  war,  is  as  unfounded  in  fact,  as  it  vvouL 
be  unwise  in  practice.  There  is  not  an  instance  recorded  ii 
history  to  which  gentlemen  can  allude,  to  sustain  them  in  tlii 
assertion,  if  we  except  the  case  of  this  Government  previoiii 
to  the  war  of  1S18.  The  situation  of  this  country  then,  W6( 
far  difterent  from  what  it  is  now.  It  was  comparatively  youiil 
and  poor.  A  long  course  of  aggression  upon  our  comnier« 
by  the  great  contending  Powers  of  Europe  had,  to  a  very  coii 
siderable  extent,  ruined  our  commerce,  which  was  still  fiit 
ther  crippled  by  the  embargo  and  non-iiilercourse  act.  Oil 
revenue  from  imports  was  diminished  to  the  lowest  point,  aif 
the  internal  resources  of  the  country  seemed  to  be  paralyzea 
Under  these  circutnstances,the  Government  had  not  the  meat 
to  prepare  for  war.  But  now  the  case  is  different.  Tlil 
wealth  and  resources  of  the  country  are  ample.  We  have  ii 
overtiowiiig  treasury,  and  a  revenue  more  than  sufiicient  la 
all  the  wants  of  the  Government.  It  is  therefore  the  duty  v 
those  who  press  these  measures  with  so  nuch  zeal,  to  prepati 
the  country  for  the  struggle  into  which  we  seem  to  be  tendiui 
with  so  much  rapidity;  nor  would  there  be  any  opposition  n 
the  part  of  the  Whigs  to  the  appropriations  necessary  for  c;f< 
rying  it  on.  We  deny  the  necessity,  and  denounce  the  infrigiiis 
that  are  carrying  us  to  this  dangerous  issue,  and  will  hold  3 
a  terrible  responsibility  those  who  have  been  placed  in  chaia 
of  our  public  affairs.  We  will  denounce  the  policy  they  pi!i 
sue  ;  but  if,  in  their  mad  course  for  party  ascendency,  th*^ 
throw  us  into  a  struggle  in  arms  with  one  of  the  mostpowe 
nations  of  the  earth,  the  party  to  which  I  have  the  honor; 
belon'^  will  nor  withhold  their  support  from  the  necessary 
propriations ;  nor  will  they  be  the  last  in  the  field  of  stri' 
Enough  has  been  shown  in  the  course  of  this  debate  to  pro- 
that  this  question  has  been  stripped  of  its  party  character, 
though,  as  I  have  said,  it  originated  in  party  intrigues,  ;i 
has  derived  all  its  importance  from  the  scliemi  ^  f  design^ 
|)ollticians,  it  has  now  become  a  national  question,  ancl  c 
never  hereafter  be  of  avail  in  any  scheme  of  President-iuaki 
Such  is  the  importance  it  has  assumed  in  the  eyes  of  the,' 
lion,  and  such  are  the  momentous  consequences  involved^ 
ils  decision,  that  it  has  swept  away  party  lines  and  oblitera 
parly  distinctions.     It  has  been  s'lown,  also,  in  the  course' 


15 


y  perhaps  be  rousecthis  debate,  that  this,  like  all  other  great  nation?.!  questions,  is 
ivitably  attend  a  coiibringiiig  to  its  support,  or  arraying  in  opposition  to  it,  local 
3  in  its  progress,  anquesiions and  prejudices  wliich  seem  likely  to  give  it  a  tendency 
/hich  has  been  witand  an  impetus  more  powerful  than  could  have  been  imparted 
:laration  that  reputtp  it  by  its  own  intrinsic  merit  or  importance.  Those  who 
d  in  fact  as  it  woulJrtgarJ  themselves  as  particularly  interested  in  our  present 
instance  recorded  iUritl  laws,  and  dread  as  the  greatest  calamity  any  change  or 
»  sustain  them  in  tlimodification  of  them,  and  who  think  they  see  strong  indica- 
lovernment  previoitions  in  the  doctrines  advanced  by  the  Executive  of  a  strong 
lis  country  then,  W£disjH)silion  on  his  part  to  establish,  as  far  as  he  may  be  able 
comparatively  youiito  accomplish  it,  a  system  of  free  trade,  frankly  avow,  or  many 
upon  our  commercof  them  do,  their  willingness  to  see  the  country  involved  in 
)e  had  to  a  very  coiwar,  rather  than  permit  the  industrial  pursuits  of  the  people  to 
which  was  still  fube  laid  prostrate  by  a  ruinous  competition  with  the  pauper 
intercourse  act.  Oilabor  of  Europe.  Sir,  I  think  it  v/ould  not  be  too  much  to  as- 
the  lowest  point,  aif  '"t  that  the  manufacturing  States  of  the  Union  would  prefer 
iiied  to  be  paralyze*  war  to  a  system  of  free  trade.  Many  of  those  who  conlrib- 
enthad  not  the  meatited  to  tlie  elevation  of  the  present  Chief  Magistrate,  pledged 
se  is  different.  TIthemselves  in  the  canvass  of  1 844  to  a  course  of  policy  respect- 
ample.  We  have  ing  the  tariff,  whicl%  if  we  are  to  judge  from  the  tenor  of  his 
lore  than  sufficient  liunual  mes>:age,  he  is  not  likely  to  pursue.  At  the  North  he 
'  therefore  the  duty  ^^^  declared  to  be  in  favor  of  a  high  protective  tariff,  while  at 
much  zeal  to  prepalhe  South  he  was  understood  to  be  in  favor  of  free  irade.  Now, 
uve  seem  to  be  tendiiur,  if  we  are  to  judge  of  the  President's  opinions  from  his  an- 
5  be  any  opposition  uwal  message,  he  is  more  likely  to  favor  the  latter  than  the 
ons  necessary  for  cfformer  in  his  course  of  policy.  It  is  well  known  by  whom  he 
denounce  the  intrigii^StSurrounded  in  his  cabinet  councils:  the  very  minister  who 
sHie  and  will  hold  ao^jducts  our  foreign  negotiations  may  be  considered  as  favor- 
beei'i  placed  in  chaT*ble  to,  having  voted  for,  the  tariff  of  ISiJ.  He  is  most  inti- 
■e  the  policy  they  piott^ttely  connected  wilh  the  great  iron  interest  of  the  State  from 


artv  ascendency,  th^vJiich  he  comes.  A  war  would  be  more  sure  protection  to 
of  the  most  powt  rthose  interests  than  any  law  which  could  be  passed  by  Con- 
h  1  have  the  honor?res>s.  I  make  no  charge  against  thut  or  any  other  gentleman; 
rom  the  necessary  ;:3Ut  when  I  hear  it  declared  by  gentlemen  from  that  section  of 
t  in  the  field  of  stri'QUntry  that  they  would  prefer  a  war  to  any  considerable  rc- 
[)f  this  debate  to  proluction  of  the  tariff,  I  am  bound,  sir,  to  suppose  it  not  iinpos- 
s  nartv  character.  '•M^'  that  their  policy  may  in  some  degree  be  dictated  by  their 
in  party  intrigues, 
B  scheinf 
inal  question, 
le 


anterests. 


In  Pennsylvania,  it  is  well  known  that  Mr.  Polk 

f  desi'^iiW^'^  represented  as  ''a  butter  tariff  man  than  Mr.  Clay," 

and  lM''-    Chakles    J.    Inukrsoll.     That   was    my   argument.] 


of  President-iiiaki**'!''^  ^^  ^he  South  he  was  understood  to  be  in  favor  of  free 
Tin  the  eyes  of  \\\(r^^^y  ^^'  '^  '^^^  '^'^  va/orem  rate  of  duties.     Mow  are  these  dif- 
isetnteiices  involvedO'^nccs  to  be  reconciled  ?     You  cannot  have  one  tariff  for  the 
nd  oblitera-^Wlh  and  another  for  the  South  :  fortunately  or  imfortunately, 


isetpt 
ty  lines  a 
I,  also,  in 


the  courf-p"^*"  '^^^^  extend  over  the  v/hole  country.  Are  we  to  be  thrown 


16 


^ 


into  a  war  to  cover  up  these  contlictiiig  pledges, and  to  relieve 
those  who  made  them  from  a  just  responsibility  ?  I  cannot 
say,  nor  do  I  pretend  to  say,  that  Mr.  Polk  authorized  those 
pledges  ;  but  I  do  know  that  they  were  made,  and  every  body 
knows  that  it  is  quite  impossible  to  redeem  or  reconcile  them, 
by  any  course  ot'  policy  which  the  Government  may  think 
proper  to  pursue.  Many  gentlemen  have  seemed  to  suppose 
ine  West  would  be  benefited  by  a  war.  I  do  not  charge  thai 
gentlemen  on  this  floor  would  be  actuated  by  such  a  motive  ; 
but  it  is  undoubtedly  true  that  a  general  idea  prevails  that  the. 
price  of  their  breadstuff's  would  be  augmented,  and  thai  the 
disbursements  of  money  on  the  northern  and  western  frontier 
would  be  beneficial  to  those  sections  of  the  Union ;  but  a 
moment's  reflection  will  be  sufficient  to  show  that  they  would 
suffer  in  common  with  all  others'  At  the  very  outset  the  com- 
merce of  the  la'ccs  would  be  destroyed,  their  intercourse  with 
the  British  colonial  ports  cut  off",  and  they  would  be  forced  to 
rely  solely  on  home  consumption  for  a  market  for  their  pro- 
duce. The  market  for  cotton  being  in  a  very  consid*'rable  de- 
gree destroyed,  the  planters  of  the  South  would  turn  their  at- 
tention to  the  production  of  grain,  and  every  thing  necessary 
for  their  domestic  consumption.  The  pork,  bacon,  and  flour 
of  the  northwest  would  no  longer  find  a  market  on  the  banks 
of  the  Mississippi.  A  very  few  figures  will  be  sufficient  to 
show  those  who  entertain  this  idea — that  war  will  supply  a 
market  for  the  breadstuff's  of  the  West — that  they  are  utterly 
mistaken.  Wo  will  suppose,  for  example,  that  armies  amoutit- 
ing  to  two  hundred  thousand  men  would  be  required  in  the 
field ;  at  least  one  hundred  thousand  will  be  taken  from  our 
cities  and  large  towns,  persons  thrown  out  of  commerce  and 
mechanical  employments,  who  are  now  of  the  class  called  non- 
producers,  or  persons  not  engaged  in  agriculture.  It  is  a  large 
calculation  to  suppose  that  the  other  hundred  thousand  would 
be  drawn  from  the  farmers  of  the  country.  These  two  hr.n- 
dred  thousand  men  would  consume  no  more  as  soldiers  than 
they  do  now ;  and  the  only  change,  as  affecting  our  markel.s, 
as  far  as  they  were  concerned,  would  be  simply  taking  one 
hundred  thousand  Irom  the  producing  class,  who,  it  would  be 
a  liberal  calculation  to  assume,  now  produce  ten  millions  of 
bushels  of  grain  per  annum  for  market.  This  by  no  means 
amounts  to  the  quantity  of  grain  annually  exported.  It  will 
therefore  be  perceived  that,  as  a  matter  of  mere  calculation  of 
dollars  and  cents,  the  grain  growers  of  the  West  would  be 
i^.reatly  the  lo:sers.  Another  idea  equally  erroneous  has  been 
advanced  with  respect  to  the  effect  of  Ihe  Biitish  corn  I  iwi.  on 


tlu 
nu 
in 
Br| 

is 

cl( 

wll 

thi 

w» 

in 

Mt 

uoi 

uoc 

ciai 

7m? 


1  f 


17 


;es,aijcl  to  relieve 
>iiity  ?     I  cannot 
authorized  those 
,  and  every  body 
r  reconcile  them, 
nent  may  think 
med  to  suppose 
'  not  charge  that 
snch  a  motive ; 
prevails  that  tlm 
ed,  and  thai  tin; 
western  frontier 
}  Union ;  but  a 
ihat  they  would 
outset  the  coni- 
ntercourse  with 
lid  be  forced  to 

for  their  pro- 
o)isid«rable  dc- 
d  turn  their  at- 
hing  necessary 
icon,  and  flour 
oti  the  banks 
•e  sufficient  to 
will  supply  a 
iey  are  utterly 
mies  amount- 
quired  ill  the 
ken  from  onr 
ommerce  and 
ss  called  non- 

It  is  a  large 
)usand  would 
se  two  h un- 
sold iers  than 
our  markei.s, 
y  taking  one 
,  it  would  be 

niillioiis  of 
by  no  nieans 
ted.  It  will 
alculation  of 
St  would  be 
if>  liH.y  beoii 
:orn  livvi,  on 


llie  price  of  American  grain,  A  repeal  of  those  laws  has  been 
most  anxiously  desired  by  the  wheat  growers  of  this  country, 
in  the  expectation  that  in  that  event  we  should  supply  the 
British  market.  A  moment's  considerntion  will  show  thai  this 
16  a  mistake.  As  the  British  corn  la»vs  now  stand,  they  ex- 
clude, except  in  times  of  scarcity,  corn  from  the  continent, 
while  our  wheat  and  fiour  are  admitted  at  a  very  low  duty 
through  the  colonial  ports.  If  the  corn  laws  were  repealed. 
We  should  lose  this  advantage,  and  be  compelled  to  compete 
in  the  British  market  with  the  cheap  grain  from  the  Baltic,  the 
Mediterranean,  and  Black  Sea.  To  show  that  we  cannot  even 
now  compete  with  the  grain  from  those  countries,  it  is  only 
uocessa'y  to  examine  the  following  table  from  the  British  offi- 
cial returns : 

Importations  of  wheat  into  Great  Britain  from  the  principal  wheat  countrieK 
for  1841,  1842,  and  1843,  in  bushels,  together  with  the  sum  total  from  each 
country. 


Countries. 

1841.             1842. 

1843. 

Total. 

Russia         ... 

498,205  1  1,824,688 

269,368 

2,592,261 

Denmark      -             -             - 

1,91.5,279         617,656 

565,248 

3,098,183 

Prussia        -            -             - 

7,134,400     5,938,065 

5,311,000 

18,383,465 

Germany      -             -             - 

5,295,674  :  1,62^  172 

1,027,224 

7,949,070 

Holland       ... 

815,964          7;i,979 

6,864 

896,507 

France         -             .             - 

1,643,932  14,216,100 

29,248 

5,889,280 

Italy  and  Island 

901,600  i  4,878,597 

24,840 

5,805,037 

North  American  Colonies     - 

2,333,354  '  3,729,690 

2,790,504 

6,.853,278 

United  States 

1,107,840  :  1,195,873 

749,601        3,053,278 

Other  countries 

866,859  1  1,816,340 

272,407       2,955,606 

I  have  been  led  into  these  remarks  by  the  amendment 
offered  to  my  resolution  by  the  honorable  gentleman  from 
Illinois,  (Mr.  Wentworth,)  which  proposes,  if  I  understand 
it,  that  this  question  shall  not  be  arbitrated  or  settled  until 
Great  Britain  opens  her  ports  to  American  grain.  It  is  said  by 
physicians,  that  when  an  epidemic  prevails,  all  other  complaints 
which  may  have  been  prevalent  tend  to  increase  and  aggra- 
vate its  virulence.  This  seems  in  some  degree  to  be  the  case 
in  political  questions,  and  especially  with  the  one  under  con- 
sideration. Abolition,  which  seems  ever  ready  to  seize  hold 
of  the  elements  of  discord,  has  joined  in  the  hue  and  cry  of 
"  Fifty-four  forty,"  "  All  Oregon  or  none,"  evidently  with  a 
hope  that  this  cry  will  bring  a  war,  and  that  war  will  produce 
entincipation.  This  wild  fanaticism,  which  is  of  British  growth, 
seems  recklessly  disposed  to  turn  its  arms  against  its  foster- 


18 


*  ii 


mother  for  the  purpose  of  achieving  its  unholy  ends.  Those 
who  seem  ^o  utterly  regardless  of  the  wise  and  patriotic  maxim^^ 
which  should  govern  all  statesmen  in  questions  concerning  our 
foreign  and  domestic  policy,  are  but  imperfectly  aware  of  the 
strength  and  capabilities  of  the  South.  That  a  war  would  be 
exceedingly  injurious  to  the  interests  and  prosperity  of  llif! 
Southern  States,  no  one  will  pretend  to  deny ;  but  that  our  in- 
stitutions would  be  overturned,  or  emancipation  be  efi'ected, 
no  one  acquainted  with  our  condition  and  resources  will  for  a 
moment  believe.  Of  all  soctfons  of  the  Union,  the  Southern 
States  are  unquestionably  more  capable  than  any  other  section 
of  sustaining  a  prolonged  struggle  in  arms.  This  might  he. 
shown  by  a  reference  to  historical  facts  and  a  critical  examina- 
tion of  their  domestic  condition.  Without  going  further  into 
thiij  branch  of  the  subject,  I  will  only  add,  that  the  poisoned 
chalice  which  fanaticism  would  thus  prepare  for  the  South, 
would  be  turned  to  its  own  lips,  and  that  it  would  expire 
amidst  the  just  execrations  of  all  patriotic  men. 

Much  has  been  said  in  this  debate  in  regard  to  the  annexa- 
tion of  Texas ;  that  it  has  destroyed  the  balance  of  power  in 
the  Union,  or  given  a  preponderance  of  territory  to  the  slave- 
holding  States.  Now,  sir,  I  am  not  aware  that  any  Southern 
statesman  was  actuated  by  any  such  motive  in  his  advocacy 
of  that  measure.  Texas  had  achieved  her  independence,  and 
maintained  it  for  the  space  of  nine  years.  She  was  a  sovereign 
and  independent  State.  She  had  a  right  to  do  with  herself  as 
she  pleased.  Our  people  had  gone  there,  carrying  with  ihem 
the  spirit  and  establishing  for  their  Government  our  free  insti- 
tutions. They  were  bone  of  our  bone  and  flesh  of  our  flesh. 
They  had  left  behind  them  all  the  ties  of  the  domestic  relations. 
They  carried  with  them  the  sympathies  of  their  friends  and 
relatives.  They  were  bound  to  us  by  all  the  recollections  of 
our  national  glory  and  achievements,  and  feeling  the  same  as- 
pirations for  the  future  as  ourselves.  They  had  no  desire  to 
remain  a  distinct  and  rival  nation.  They  had  no  wish  to  throw 
themselves  into  the  scale  of  European  policy,  for  the  purpose 
of  creating  a  "  balance  of  power"  among  Anglo-Saxon  nations 
of  the  American  continent.  They  desired  to  join  the  great 
family  of  States  of  the  American  Union  ;  to  unite  their  destiny 
with  ours ;  to  join  us  in  the  onward  march  of  our  civil  institu- 
tions. Neither  they  nor  their  brethren  in  the  South  had  one 
thought  with  respect  to  what  has  been  called  here  "the  bal- 
ance of  power."  They  had  higher  and  nobler  motives.  While 
seeking  their  own  glory  and  prosperity,  they  desired  to  confer 
reciprocal  benefits  upon  their  sister  States.     And  it  is  unques- 


tl 

CI 


* 


A  ^  . 

v 


1 


19 


oly  ends.     Those 
I  patriotic  maxinfi'^ 
lis  concerning  onr 
^lly  aware  of  the 
t  a  war  would  be 
prosperity  of  Iho 
;  but  that  onr  in- 
tion   be  eflected. 
sources  will  for  a 
on, the  Southern 
any  other  section 
i'his  nnglit  bo 
critical  examina- 
'ing  further  into 
liat  the  poisoned 
3  for  the  South, 
it  would  expire 
1. 

i  to  the  annexa- 

nce  of  power  in 

3ry  to  the  slave- 

at  any  Southern 

in  his  advocacy 

lependence,  and 

was  a  sovereign 

with  herself  as 

ying  with  ihem 

It  our  free  insti- 

sh  of  our  flesh. 

nestic  relations. 

ir  friends  and 

recollections  of 

g  the  same  as- 

id  no  desire  to 

wish  to  throw 

or  the  purpose 

Saxon  nations 

oin  the  great 

e  their  destiny 

ir  civil  institu- 

>outh  had  one 

lere  "the  bal- 

)tives.    While 

lired  to  confer 

3  it  is  unques- 


tionably true  that,  in  a  pecuniary  point  of  view,  the  commer- 
cial and  manufacturing  interests  of  the  North  will  be  vastly 
more  benefited  by  the  annexation  of  Texas  than  the  plantmg 
States  of  the  South.  But,  sir,  in  that  measure  a  great  princi- 
ple was  involved  with  respect  to  the  settlement  of  this  conti- 
nent by  emigrants  from  the  United  States.  That  principle  is, 
that  wherever  our  people  shall  take  up  their  abode  in  territory 
contiguous  to  ours,  establish  our  free  institutions,  show  them- 
selves capable  of  wise  self-government,  and  ask  admission  into 
this  Union,  it  will  unquestionably  be  the  policy  of  this  Govern- 
ment to  receive  them.  This,  sir,  I  conceive^  will  be  the  Amer- 
ican policy,  as  contradistinguished  from  that  which  has  been 
promulged  in  Europe  with  respect  to  this  continent — to  create 
rival  nations  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  a  "  balance  of 
power,"  which  will  be  equally  pernicious  to  us  as  the  "bal- 
ance of  power"  in  Europe  has  proved  to  be  there. 

This  doctrine,  I  am  aware,  may  be  opposed  by  some,  as 
leading  to  too  great  an  extension  of  onr  political  system.    But 
who  shall  venture  to  place  limits  to  modern  invention,  as  ap- 
plied to  means  of  communication  ?     Who  can  estimate  the  ad- 
vantages to  be  derived  from  railroads  and  the  magnetic  tele- 
graph ?     Who  can  say  how  distant  the  time  may  be  when  we 
shall  communicate  with  the  Pacific  with  greater  facility,  and 
in  less  time,  than  we  did  twenty-five  years  ago  with  New  Or- 
leans ?     Sir,  I  for  one  have  no  fears  of  evil  consequences  to 
result  from  the  spread  of  our  population  and  the  extension  of 
our  institutions.     I  should  be  much  more  apprehensive  of  the 
establishment  of  rival  and  independent  riations,  who  might  be 
swayed  by  European  policy,  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  out 
the  idea  of  a  "  balance  of  power"  upon  this  continent.     The 
idea,  which  seems  to  prevail  with  many  gentlemen  at  the 
North,  that  the  annexation  of  Texas  has  destroyed  the  balance 
of  power  with  respect  to  the  slaveholding  and  non-slaveholding 
States,  by  the  acquisition  of  territory,  is  entirely  fallacious.    If 
we  assume  the  parallel  of  the  49th  degree  of  north  latitude, 
running  to  the  Pacific,  as  our  northern  boundary,  and  the  par- 
allel of  .36°  .30'  as  the  southern  limit  of  the  free  States  to  the 
Rocky  Mountains,  and  from  thence  on  the  parallel  of  42°  to 
the  Pacific,  we  shall  find  (including  the  Territories  of  Iowa 
and  Wisconsin)  that  the  non-slaveholding  States  will  have 
about  eight  hundred  thousand  square  miles  of  territory  beyond 
the  States  already  admitted  into  the  Union,  and  that  the  South- 
ern or  slaveholding  States  (including  Texas)  have  but  about 
two  hundred  and  seventy-five  thousand  square  miles. 
[Mr.  Culver.    But  how  is  it  now  in  the  Senate  ?] 


20 


The  genfleinnn  asks,  how  it  is  at  present  in  the  Senate  ?  In 
reply,  I  have  to  say,  that  you  have  only  to  admit  Wisconsin 
and  lowu  to  establish  an  equality  in  that  body  from  both  sec- 
tions of  the  Union,  and  thereafter  the  admission  of  non-slave- 
holding  will  be  much  more  frequent  than  the  admission  of  slave- 
holding  States.  Sir,  I  am  in  favor  of  protecting  our  citizens  in 
Oregon,  and  extending  to  them  all  proper  means  of  communi- 
cation. I  am  in  favor  of  a  speedy  adjustment  of  our  claims  in 
that  territory;  but  I  am  in  lavor  of  its  being  done  peacefully 
and  honorably.  A  war  would  unquestionably  either  destroy 
or  drive  out  our  citizens  from  that  country,  and,  if  it  did  not 
deprive  us  of  It  altogether,  would  retard  its  settlement  for  many 
years.  I  am  in  favor  of  facilitating  the  emigration  of  our  hardy 
pioneers.  Let  them,  if  they  will,  inhabit  the  shores  of  the  Pa- 
cific. The  increase  of  our  population  is  so  rapid  that  we  shall 
soon  carry  our  towns  and  villages  not  only  to  the  base  of  the 
Rocky  Mountains,  but  to  the  banks  of  the  Columbia.  A  C(  i- 
tury  is  but  a  small  space  of  time  in  the  history  of  a  nation  ;  and 
yet,  at  the  present  ratio  of  increase,  in  the  year  1 945  there  will 
be,  if  nothing  happen  to  disturb  our  institutions,  three  hundred 
and  twenty  millions  of  people  in  the  United  States.  And  if 
you  extend  your  view  but  twenty -five  years  further,  there  will 
be  six  hundred  and  forty  millions  of  people  united  under  one 
Government. 


I 


.'i  *i 


1  the  Senate  ?    In 
admit  Wisconsin 
y  from  both  sec- 
ion  of  nonslave- 
imission  of  slave- 
f»g  our  citizens  in 
ans  ofcommuni- 
t  of  our  claims  in 
done  peacefully 
y  either  destroy 
md,  if  it  did  not 
lement  for  many 
ion  of  our  hardy 
hores  of  the  Pa- 
id that  we  shall 
the  base  of  the 
Jmbia.     A  ce  m- 
f  a  nation  ;  and 
1945  there  will 
,  three  hundred 
states.     And  if 
iher,  there  will 
ited  under  one 


•Wr;-  i-i':,/' 


™«**www*s«igrf . 


